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The third myth.

 

The public regards crime as the most serious problem


Numerous opinion polls conducted in various regions of Russia actually point to crime as one of the most serious problems. Since 1992, it has certainly entered the list of the six main problems, often taking first place, even leaving behind problems like low living standards, unemployment and housing problems.

According to a number of criminologists [1; 2; 11], both objective figures on crime and subjective ideas about it influence people's notions.

"Official recognition that the crime situation in our country is alarming and a flow of TV, radio and newspaper information about violent and bloody crimes have shocked the mass consciousness. Under socialism there was unshakable certainty, based on the complete lack of information, that "a wave of crime", "a wave of violence" were exclusively foreign phenomena. Now concern, anxiety and fear have replaced certainty. Due to such a state of mass psychosis not only reliable facts, but various rumors and other unverified information become fixed in the public consciousness. This results in so-called "information crime", a state where people’s notions about the criminal situation are created by mass information rather than by the phenomenon itself..."

According to certain opinion polls, the majority of people get information about crime from the mass media (more than 80% from TV shows [13; p. 112]).

An atmosphere of psychosis about the crime problem intentionally created by authorities and the majority of politicians, participating in the incessant pre-election race, contributes much to perverting the true picture [11].

“Besides the ease with which official statistics are manipulated, there are political factors encouraging various forces to use information about crime as an argument in favor of taking economic, social and other decisions. Deterioration or improvement of the crime situation in the country is often a trump card in a political game, increasing or decreasing people's anxiety for their safety..."

Having pointed out information pressure on the population, let us look more closely at the outcomes of opinion polls.

"A little more than 50 % of victims (53.8%) turned to law enforcement bodies. Undoubtedly, this is very alarming. What about the remaining 46.2% of victims? 76.7% of them do not believe that they will be given any help; 42% do not want to be involved in the investigation; and 38% fear more troubles.” This information was provided in a report, written by MVD investigation experts, two years ago [23]. According to results of opinion polls conducted by the MVD Research Institute, in 1995 60% of victims of crime who did not report to the militia said that the law enforcement system was not effective and could not help them in any way [20].

Results obtained by independent experts are even more vivid. For example, according to a poll carried out in Volgograd [13; p. 84], only 36.5% of victims reported to the militia. According to Dr. Gilinsky, a well-known criminologist, whom we cited above, only 3% of respondents trust the militia and 41% do not trust them at all; 4% trust the Procuracy and courts and 21% do not trust them at all; 3% trust security bodies and 32% do not trust them at all... We would like to point out that the relative number of adult Russian citizens who work in law enforcement bodies or are closely connected with them is equal to those who trust them. It is natural to suppose that state structures which must protect us from criminals, in fact, protect themselves and the interests of some small social groups.

When respondents are not asked a general question about their attitude to crime or its growth but are offered a number of reasons for their concern about safety problems, it turns out that “recent years have been characterized by gradual loss of state and public control over the crime situation” [13, p. 110].

Opinion polls also reveal that people are becoming more scared of militia than criminals [16] and that the crime level among workers of law enforcement bodies is no lower than the general level of registered crime. We have also become accustomed to publications about torture and killings of “suspects” and people detained in investigation and militia departments.

"Often, to turn to the militia for help is useless, sometimes, it is even dangerous. The Procuracy mostly gets off with noncommittal answers. Courts do not consider civil cases, and sometimes criminal ones, for years. It is also useless to complain about criminal negligence or abuse of power by departmental, regional or city administration officials” [16].

Thus, opinion polls demonstrate not so much a fear of the crime rate as a feeling of being unprotected from crime, based on the notion that law enforcement bodies are either helpless against criminals or cooperate with them.

According to Yakov Gilinsky, the unprecedented growth in suicide rates (increasing by 150% in St. Petersburg during the last seven years), is a tragic indicator of the Russian people being unprotected and desperate.

As we can see, much more real and horrible problems like the crisis in the legal system, crises in power and governmental institutions hide behind the myths about crime, which politicians and negligent criminologists impose upon our population. The Russian people’s utmost distrust of law enforcement bodies increases the criminality of the population and society, more so than impoverishment, economic ruin and alcohol abuse. Inability to protect their rights, their life and their property in a legal way forces people to take measures of self defense, thus raising the authority of criminal groups, which businessmen and farmers more often turn to [16]. The situation has gone so far that they have to turn to criminal “authorities” to force payment of legal damages ordered by the court. Criminal leaders gladly use the services of law enforcement workers and officials, spending according to various estimates, from 30% to 50% of their “income”.

 


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