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The seventh myth.

 

Organized crime


It would take a separate book to analyze this myth, that is why we are just going to point out the danger related to the image of organized crime as the new “Masonic Order” or “octopus” dominating all spheres of public and state life in Russia.

"The collapse of CPSU organizational structures brought the end to the monolithic nature of state power and along with it, the end to the strict hierarchy of possibilities for bureaucrats of various ranks to gain both legal and illegal benefits. Some disbalance also between the political weight of a position and its value in the initial process of property redistribution occurred.

New possibilities and the temptation "to grab as much as possible", as well as juridical confusion in regulating new economic relations could only result in the growth and development of corruption and its acquiring new more dangerous and sophisticated forms. Some go beyond the limits of "usual" malfeasance in office and merge with criminal activity, structuring and organizing it.

New businessmen, actually deprived of legal protection and with no respect for the law, have become another source for organized crime. Many have retained former connections with high-ranking patrons or have established new ones.

With such an approach, the fight against organized crime suggests above all a reduction in the discretion of bureaucrats, the necessity of economic relations and increasing the effectiveness of legal protection for all forms of property etc.

If we consider that the core of the problem was with mysterious figures of the criminal world, with various mafia and criminal groups, against which the law is allegedly ineffective, then the demands to extend the power of repressive bodies and making penalties harsher would be reasonable. The political essence of the crime problem in our country and in our time follows from the above. Will bureaucracy strengthen its power under the banner of fighting crime or will society realize the real danger of state arbitrariness and direct its attempts at developing public control over the activity of power structures and the bureaucratic apparatus as a whole?

In general, the phenomenon called “organized crime” is very complicated and poorly studied. Work by state criminologists is, primarily, aimed at defining specific features of this type of crime, attaching negative moral characteristics to groups and individuals relating to it, and searching for means of getting rid of them. We would emphasize that being so rigorous and so blood-thirsty is not actually scientific knowledge and is unlikely to help form an adequate image of the subject under investigation.

We believe that in Russia phenomena regarded as organized crime are closely connected with the role which the so-called “shadow structures”, that is a complicated conglomerate of criminal (for example, thieves-in-law), semi-legitimate and totally legitimate groups (the proportion of the criminal part increased in the post-Soviet era) always played in Soviet society. These structures were and still remain vitally important for the existence and functioning of that social organ which is a result of society’s development during the preceding 70 years. Filling legal, economic and social gaps, shadow structures replace those mechanisms and institutions which make people’s lives more bearable and the survival of society possible. Before suggesting any prescriptions and solutions about how to combat criminal and the semi-legitimate part of shadow structures, it is important, at least, to estimate their scale (the extent of people’s involvement in these structures) and their actual role in certain spheres of economic, social and political life in society. Otherwise, it is impossible to predict the consequences if this foothold of shadow structures is destroyed. To a great extent, organized criminal groups provide (rather than impose) services not only for a corrupt army of 18-million state servicemen but also satisfy the real needs of society and various social groups (in a normal society this function is fulfilled by corresponding state structures).

As it has already been pointed out, a huge part of the population is involved in the sphere of criminal group activity, for these groups provide very important economic and social objects which society cannot survive without. The state as yet is unable to provide completely these objects. Hence, it is impossible to liquidate organized crime with the help of repressive means just as it was impossible to crush Chechen military formations with tanks. It turned out that the majority of the Chechen population must be destroyed in order to do so.

 

We do not believe in the slightest that the problem of reducing the spheres of criminal group activity should be left unresolved. On the contrary, it should be handled immediately since delay threatens society with degradation and the state with catastrophe. But in the given situation repression cannot be the only, exhaustive and sufficient means. Primarily, social and cultural methods should be used; they would provide for the gradual inclusion of the most part of shadow structures into the legitimate sphere.

 

* * *

In the USSR, agents were considered the most effective method of fighting crime. According to expert estimates, 20,000 — 50,000 agents, informers and provocateurs work for so called operative services in prisons and camps. Though law enforcement bodies do sometimes solve serious crimes with the help of their agents, such an enormous number of agents, firstly, results in an inevitable growth in latent crime (in order to be part of the criminal world agents have to commit crimes which are usually not registered or discovered) and, secondly, they stimulate organized crime. Agents are often middlemen between organized crime groups and law enforcement bodies. Recently, gangs headed by operative workers, i.e. MVD officers, have been uncovered.

Couple years ago the French magazine Courier International (No. 7, October 1993) asked me to forecast what would occur in the criminal justice system in Russia by 2015. This forecast I presented in the form of a review in commemoration of the hundredth volume of the series “Criminal Russia. Prisons and Camps”, which we began to publish in 1993. Whilst working on this textI hoped that such a variant for the development of our society was not probable. Unfortunately, subsequent events make this hope less and less founded...

 


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