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Member of Russian Academy of Sciences Vladimir Kudryavtsev |
Sergey Shimovolos, President of the Nizhny Novgorod
Human Rights Society (NNHRS) |
Maxim Glikin (Journalist for Obschaya Gazeta) |
Valery Uvarov (representative of the Ministry of
Internal Affairs) |
Diederik Lohman (Director of the Moscow branch of
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki) |
Victor Kamuishanskii (Assistant director
of the investigative Department of the Procuracy General Office): |
From remarks by Lyudmila
Alekseeva (Chairperson of the Moscow Helsinki Group): |
Arkady Pastushkov (lieutenant colonel — Central
Office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.): |
From remarks by the Deputy of the State Duma Vladimir
Lopatin, member of State Duma Committee on Security: |
Sergey Pashin, Honoured Lawyer of Russia, Judge of
the Moscow City Court: |
From the report by Valery Abramkin, MCPR director: |
Yakov Pister, Head of Department at the Procuracy
General of Russia: |
Andrei Babushkin, Chairman of Civil Rights Committee,
the Chamber member: |
Karina Moskalenko, MCPR expert, Director of the
Center of Assistance to international Protection, the Chamber member: |
Member of Russian Academy of Sciences Vladimir
Kudryavtsev, Deputy Chairman of the Academic Council of the RF Security Council:
From the Press Release on Academic Council session proceedings of March, 31, 1998, at
the Administration of the President of the RF:
Documents presented at the session of the Academic Council and speeches delivered by
legal experts, criminologists, departments' representatives and human rights activists all
point to the fact that constitutional rights of citizens are often rudely violated in the
criminal justice system. Not just individuals, but the entire society suffers from these
violations, as they undermine the authority of the state, of judicial bodies, Procuracy,
militia and FSB (Federal Security Service). People become prejudiced against enforcement
agencies, which doesn't make society any safer.
Previously, the issue of security was conventionally considered in terms of external,
military or state security only. Presently, we include within the concept of security its
economic, social, and criminal aspects, the security of people and that of the individual.
Citizens must be protected against two dangers, one of which comes from criminals, and the
other emanates from the justice agencies themselves, as they mistreat citizens apprehended
in the justice machinery. Russian citizens should be protected from both evils.
Sergey Shimovolos, President of the
Nizhny Novgorod Human Rights Society (NNHRS):
Since 1992 the Nizhny Novgorod Human Rights Society has been gathering information on
applying torture by law enforcement workers.
Cases of unprovoked and unjustified beatings during arrest were not exceptional. As a
rule criminal suspects who after beatings are to be taken under guards become the victims
of such beatings. This, in turn, makes it extremely difficult to provide evidence and
defend victims of these beatings. In some cases an ambulance delivered a victim to a
hospital and medical examination becomes a reason and a ground to file a suitcase.
Vulnerable groups of the population (homeless, unemployed) are practically defenseless
against violence of law enforcement workers. Beatings in the course of special militia
raids are especially cruel and mass. Information about violence and cruelty in such cases
becomes known by chance since representatives of these social groups, as a rule, do not
apply for help.
We know, for example, that in 1996 there were cases of using violence during mass
arrests of people suspected in drug abuse for forced AIDS testing.
Those detained for the first several hours or days are most often subjected to beatings
and torture. Investigators try to use a stress situation «to break» conscience and
psychic of the detained and extract confessions or information on the case. Torture is
used as most effective and quick means to this end.
The (NNHRS) experience shows that to fire militiamen involved in torture is the most
probable and maximum possible sanction. But this can be achieved only with public support.
Even cases which had some publicity don't get in court rooms.
For example, we know that in 1996 the Procuracy of the Nizhny Novgorod Oblast issued 50
criminal cases on abuse of power and almost all of them were closed.
It is still a problem to investigate and defend in court victims of torture inflicted
during preliminary investigation. In accordance with the domestic legislation it is the
prerogative of procuracy bodies to issue law suits and investigate such cases.
Even if a law suit is issued the case is either not investigated or facts are
concealed. Corporate and departmental interests of law enforcement bodies are of primary
importance, if these bodies interfere it is practically impossible to bring the case to
court hearings.
Maxim Glikin (Journalist for Obschaya
Gazeta)
Practically every week we receive information from various regions about torture and
mishandling of citizens. Just yesterday I received information from the region around
Moscow that the local police department had used something akin to a «duiba,» i.e. they
had hung a man by his tied arms and beat him until he agreed to talk.
I think that widespread torture will not be curbed until public Procuracys begin to
listen to and react to reports by human rights advocates. Only a few of the cases of
torture by police officers that have been reported to the public Procuracy’s office have
been fully investigated, and even fewer cases have been brought to trial. Because of the
message that the public Procuracys are sending, police officers are not afraid to use
force or torture with suspects. Each police officer acts individually according to his own
morals, and, it seems to me, based on the materials I have, that people who become police
officers tend to have sadistic tendencies.
Valery Uvarov (representative of the
Ministry of Internal Affairs)
There is not a problem with torture. Yes, in agencies of internal affairs there is a
lot of violence and a lot of crime. We have regulations on personal safety which encompass
those crimes. Workers commit crimes, and they are punished according to those regulations.
The question that you have raised today at this round table is a new one for us. I
received a large amount of information of activities within the internal affairs ministry
from the organizers of this conference. I agree with deputy Lopatin that the leadership of
the MIA has not been opened to the idea of fighting crimes within its own ranks, and that
it has been a good thing that human rights groups have brought this issue to the
foreground. I myself have worked as an investigator and I know that these problems exist.
Diederik Lohman (Director of the Moscow
branch of Human Rights Watch/Helsinki)
In October we gathered reports from victims of torture from various regions in Russia.
When we discussed the collection of our material with the public prosecutor of Nizhni
Novgorod, he told us that the police have beaten, are beating, and will continue beating
people. The public prosecutor claimed that he could not do anything about it, because even
if the crimes were to be seriously investigated in accordance with the all the provisions
and guidelines, still no court would accept the case. In other words, he stated that
without personally experiencing torture, researchers, in most cases wouldn’t be able to
gather evidence.
I think that right now the most important thing is to train human rights workers so
that they know the rights of the victims, the rights of arrested individuals, and the
rights of suspects so that they can work to support them and their families. Human rights
activists must be able to correctly formulate the testimony of a victim and produce a well
written statement of the account, so that the public prosecutor might be more inclined to
take the case seriously. This is a realistic goal.
Special training sessions and seminars need to be organized so that people, not only in
Moscow and Nizhny Novgorod, but so that legal defense workers and human right activists in
other regions as well know that torture can be fought.»
Victor Kamuishanskii (Assistant
director of the investigative Department of the Procuracy General Office):
I disagree with the judgment of the participants of this discussion who have maintained
that the police does not operate under the supervision of the Public Procuracy. But the
question that you have asked is completely on target. The public needs to be made aware of
the problems of violence by these agencies. If police officers admit that as a part of
some sort of operative plan they have been beating people, then that is without a doubt
criminal. All incidences of criminal activity by police structures are investigated by our
bureau. We work to eliminate these problems. We are not connected with the police, we are
a completely different organization, we have no interest in keeping these issues covered
up. As a matter of fact to prove the use of abusive force or illegal activities within
these structures is extremely difficult. First of all, most of the time these crimes occur
without any witnesses. Secondly, it is easy for law enforcement officers to cover up
instances of violence. Thirdly, victims of such abuses usually don’t come to us
immediately, making the investigation difficult.
From remarks by Lyudmila Alekseeva
(Chairperson of the Moscow Helsinki Group):
For the prevention of torture it is necessary to have public control. The only chance
to create a system that will lower corruption and other abuses of power, is the
opportunity to create a legal defense structure that is open. Right now there are needs to
have a dialog between human rights workers and legal defense workers so that everyone can
sit together and listen to each another in order to extend contacts, either through round
table discussions, seminars, or conferences. Law enforcement officers believe that they
shouldn’t be controlled by anyone outside the governmental system.
In 1997 the group «Common Cause» took an initiative to the president to remove the
Minister of Internal Affairs, Kulikov, from office. Many believe that removing one person
from his position will not change anything. But there is a possibility of a domino effect:
if Kulikov leaves, all of those he has been shielding will leave as well. During the
period of the US occupation of Japan, the entire staff of the public defender’s office
was changed three times as corruption was uncovered.
Arkady Pastushkov (lieutenant colonel
— Central Office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.):
One of the reasons for the illegal forms of treatment stems from the existence of
«plans» to prosecute a certain number of criminals within a given period. If an
investigator needs to complete 2 cases in this month in order to complete a plan, but he
is unable to find the person who actually committed the crime, he needs to get a
fabricated evidence from a few witnesses in order to make the case against the innocent
suspect stand up. Often, youths become the witnesses for these accounts, making them often
the victims of these types of crimes. Some juvenile is arrested on some little charge, and
if he refuses to sign witness testimony, then it can be made to look like that kid
committed the crime he was made to give evidence about, or any other crime that needs to
be urgently solved. This is a dangerous situation —the police is not controlled by the
public prosecutorand there has yet to be an investigation into these cases.
From remarks by the Deputy of the State Duma Vladimir Lopatin, member of State Duma Committee on Security:
After the State Duma ratified the European Convention the legal situation changed
somewhat. Today a person can take his case either to the Russian courts or to the European
courts to defend his rights. Unfortunately, the vast majority of Russian citizens are not
aware of their rights. I am often asked, as a representative, to give legal advice,
notarize documents, etc. Most people are simply helpless when it comes to matters of the
law. Today even specialists have trouble keeping up with the legal system. The government
needs to create a program to provide legal consulting to people at large.
In the third set of proposals from the President it was stated that it is necessary to
create a form of public control over governmental agencies — and that this is a
strategic goal to be met before 2000. It is necessary to develop this government al
program, starting by pushing the government to work for society in the formulation of a
mechanism for control over power. The President has made an assignment, but the cabinet
will need to see it through.
Sergey Pashin, Honoured Lawyer of Russia,
Judge of the Moscow City Court:
During court proceedings, I hear claims that torture has been used against four
defendants out of five. In any three cases out of five, we note that torture was used
after a person had been detained and before his detention was officially documented. This
interval can last from twelve hours to two days. When judges appeal to the Procuracy for a
Procurator's examination of a case, such examination is limited to interrogating and
demanding written accounts from the very people suspected in conducting torture.
There are two ways to eliminate torture. It can either be made inconvenient, or
useless. To make it inconvenient, one may implement at least four ideas which I would like
to propose:
1. Enforcement officials who actually detain a person should hand him a note specifying
his rights.
2. Militia staff should record everything that took place at the moment of detention
and immediately afterwards in their notebooks. It occurs relatively often in court
proceedings that a claim of torture is made a year or a year-and-a-half later than it had
actually been used. The claim is made at a time when the victim no longer fears for his
life. Militia staff convened by court says: «A year-and-a-half have passed. You can't
remember everybody. This was our 128th detention. Naturally, we don't remember anything.»
The record in the notebook will not allow them to excuse themselves by oblivion.
3. Duty counsel should be attached to any militia department. Each of them should have
a pager to be called as soon as a detainee appears in the department. I want to draw your
attention to the fact that since novels were introduced into legislation last year, not
only a lawyer, but any person, even one having no law education, can act as a counsel in a
criminal case if he represents, for example, a human rights organization.
4. Public supervision over enforcement agencies. Such supervision doesn't contradict
effective legislation, so one doesn't need a special permission for such supervision.
These are just supplementary instruments that should be elaborated and passed.
As to making torture meaningless, torture is used to improve statistics on solved
criminal cases. In regard to evidence or open-hearted confessions received between actual
and documented detention, or evidence which later is claimed to have been extorted, such
evidence should not constitute the basis for a verdict of «guilty». Alternatively, the
burden of proving there has been no torture may be put upon the prosecution. If a person
claims that he has been tortured, it is the Procurator's job to prove that there has been
no torture.
From the report by Valery Abramkin, MCPR director:
The most important suggestion concerning torture prevention is to change the purpose of
criminal policy. We must move from confronting crime to protecting people from criminal
offences and from exceeding power, which includes torture. As long as the efforts of law
protection and law enforcement agencies are centered around the offender, and not around
the victims of crime, we cannot expect a change for the better.
Moreover, we must provide tools to make militia and public security services liable to
the people. Opinion polls show that people are afraid of militia. Of those interviewed in
Moscow streets, 30 per cent said that they feared militiamen, 20 percent admitted to fear
of dogs and 5 percent, to fear of hooligans. I don't fancy militia remaining in the eyes
of society as a watchdog that has broken its chain and rushes about in the streets,
snarling, biting and tearing passers-by to pieces. Militia must be kept «on a short
lead», it must be answerable to people.
Yakov Pister, Head of Department at the
Procuracy General of Russia:
Lately, the Procuracy has been extremely alarmed by lawlessness in Internal Affairs
agencies. In 1997, a special department was established to supervise the observance of the
law in the course of criminal investigation by Internal Affairs agencies.
Over the last year in Russia, procurators have filed a total of 27,000 statements
concerning violation of the law by Internal Affairs agencies. These led to disciplinary
sanctions against roughly 18,000 officials. 853 militia officials have been prosecuted for
exceeding commission.
The main question is, however: why does this happen? The answer is clear: the militia,
just like the society, is suffering from crisis and lack of qualified staff. Around one
half of MVD investigators have no law education. Around half of those working as
detectives have not been trained to do it. There is the spirit of contempt for law, for
the individual. It is handed over from generation to generation and is responsible for
today's offensive, intolerable situation.
Andrei Babushkin, Chairman of Civil Rights Committee, the Chamber member:
I believe the widespread use of torture is, in the first place, the fault of Procuracy
agencies, which practically give cover to organizing and inflicting torture. Procuracy
agencies supposed to supervise Home Affairs officials have become a body that prevents
proper investigation of torture cases. Since last year, I have taken part in 42 court
cases whose defendants asserted that they had been subjected to torture. They named the
perpetrators and the place where they were tortured. They could say in which safe the
electric shock rod lay, and in which desk, the gas mask that had been pulled over their
heads. They named direct and indirect witnesses, doctors. They presented medical
documents. In all the 42 cases, court was adjourned for inspection by the Procurator.
Three days later, all we got were the 10 lines of the Procurator's resolution with
refusal to bring an action.
Karina Moskalenko, MCPR expert, Director of the Center of
Assistance to international Protection, the Chamber member:
My clients Yelena and Irina Smirnova have been cruelly beaten by militia officers.
Militia broke into the apartment of the two helpless women. The sisters were then kept for
over 24 hours in cold premises at the militia station, which lead to pneumonia. The
Smirnova sisters and their lawyer have repeatedly appealed to Procuracy agencies. They
received three refusals to bring a case against militia officers.
The Procurator of Moscow, Gerasimov, has considered the matter of militia beating the
Smirnova sisters in person.
I shall read aloud his reply exactly as it is: «Bodily harm was inflicted to the
Smirnova in accordance with the investigator's enactment to locate them and deliver them
to the militia station.» In other words, the girls were beaten in accordance with the
investigator's enactment. We talk of law culture, but how can we expect it of anyone, if a
Procurator of very high rank gives answers like that.
As to the militia officials that beat the Smirnova, they haven't even realized their
responsibility for this serious crime, they haven't been punished in any way.
In this country, there is practically no way we can protect ourselves from actions like
that. We cannot compensate for the abuse of our rights, not even by prosecuting the
perpetrators.
Now in New York, a session of the UNO Human Rights Committee is considering the
Smirnova case. As it is, the UNO is considering this obnoxious case, but we have still got
no answer in our country.
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